top of page
Search

16 Jeltoqsan

  • sara20sn05
  • Jan 2
  • 4 min read

Updated: Jan 4

The period following World War II marked a dark chapter of oppression and control within the Soviet Union, especially for Central Asian states like Kazakhstan. Under Moscow’s rule, the unique ethnic, cultural, and historical identities of these nations were often disregarded. In Kazakhstan, Soviet migration policies and forced relocations had reshaped the population so drastically that by the mid-1980s, ethnic Kazakhs were a minority in their own homeland.

ree

In the midst of these struggles, Dinmukhamed Kunayev, a Kazakh leader who had served as the head of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan since 1964, offered a glimmer of hope. For over two decades, Kunayev symbolized a connection between the people of Kazakhstan and their leadership, allowing them to believe they still had a voice in the decisions that shaped their lives. His position gave Kazakhs a fragile sense of pride and self-respect. It showed that their culture and identity hadn’t been completely erased.

But in 1986, Dinmukhamed Kunayev resigned from his post, taking a leave. Quickly in a short meeting, Moscow replaced Kunayev with Gennady Kolbin, a Russian bureaucrat with no ties to Kazakhstan. To Kazakhs, this wasn’t just a change in leadership. Kolbin’s appointment felt like a calculated effort to strip the Kazakh people of what little autonomy they had left, reducing their nation to a pawn under Russian control. It was a reminder that Moscow didn’t see Kazakhstan as a partner, but as a subordinate.



 "victims of December 16" in the central museum of Almaty, Kazakhstan
"victims of December 16" in the central museum of Almaty, Kazakhstan

This was the key point which then sparked widespread protests, known as the Jeltoqsan uprising, led primarily by the younger generation. However, what had started as a peaceful demonstration of young Kazakhs expressing their demand for self-governance soon escalated into a brutal confrontation with the full force of the Soviet military.

On December 17, 1986, students and young workers, many from Almaty’s universities, began gathering in Breyzhev Square (now Republic Square) to protest peacefully against the Soviet government’s decision. Carrying posters and chanting slogans, their primary demand was for the government to address their concerns and appoint a leader representative of the Kazakh people. Initially small in number, the protest quickly grew as thousands, driven by national pride, joined the demonstration, chanting “Kazakhs demand a Kazakh leader.”


ree

Their anger was dismissed as “nationalism.” But how could it be nationalism to demand that their leader at least understand their culture, their language, their struggles? How could it be nationalism to want their own voices heard in the land of their ancestors? These accusations revealed an imperialist mindset—one that sought to silence and delegitimize Kazakhs for daring to question their subjugation. The demand for a Kazakh leader wasn’t about exclusion or hostility; it was about survival. It was about reclaiming dignity in the face of decades of forced erasure.


ree

By the afternoon, Soviet authorities, alarmed by the scale of the protests, deployed armed troops, military vehicles, and police forces to the square. Despite the intimidating show of force, the protesters, though fearful, stood their ground, refusing to disperse. Throughout the day, Kolbin provided updates to Moscow, and as the situation escalated and the crowds continued to grow, Soviet officials issued orders to suppress the protests with violence.


ree

The crackdown began with shocking brutality. Armed troops indiscriminately attacked demonstrators with wooden truncheons, doused them with freezing water in subzero temperatures, and loaded their beaten and frostbitten bodies- some dead, others barely alive- onto trucks. These trucks transported them to remote locations outside the city, where they were abandoned in deep pits without proper clothing. Women were dragged by their hair, thrown like objects, and subjected to unspeakable abuse. The streets of Almaty were soon stained with blood, as anyone found outside- whether protesting or not- was arrested. Detainees were subjected to brutal interrogations and torture in custody. Reports indicate that some were sentenced to death, while many others simply disappeared.


Dinmukhamed Akhmetuly Kunaev- Kazakh Soviet communist politician who served as the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR.
Dinmukhamed Akhmetuly Kunaev- Kazakh Soviet communist politician who served as the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR.

 In one of the interviews, Dinmukhamed Kunayev recalled: “Before leaving my post, I asked Gorbachev, ‘Who will be assigned to replace me?’ to which he replied, ‘You just leave it up to us.’ After the escalations, Kolbin claimed that Kunayev himself had requested to be replaced by someone from outside Kazakhstan, stating that he could not think of anyone suitable to recommend. Kunayev refuted these allegations, stating: “His accusations are far from accurate. Kolbin publicly declared that I refused to assist in calming the protests or to engage with the youth of our country. The truth is, they never allowed me to do so. After consulting with Russian officials, Kolbin approached me when I arrived at the CK and said, "We will handle this ourselves. You can go and rest."

Through a series of news reports, articles, and interviews, it becomes evident that these events were heavily influenced by propaganda, aimed at deflecting blame away from the Russians. The erasure of statistics and official records of those imprisoned, tortured, or killed during this time was deeply inhumane. Entire datasets vanished, reflecting a systematic effort to eliminate evidence—a recurring tactic of silencing and erasure To this day, no official records exist detailing the true scale of the violence, including the number of casualties. The Soviet government systematically erased evidence of the atrocities, ensuring that the full extent of the events remains unknown.


ree

After gaining independence, Kazakhstan's first president declared December 16th as the official Independence Day, commemorating the nation’s sovereignty. While it serves as a celebration of success, it is equally a day of remembrance for those who sacrificed everything to secure this future. The courage and resilience of the young students who stood against oppression during the Jeltoqsan uprising marked a significant step toward liberating Kazakhstan and the broader Central Asian region from the Soviet regime. Their bravery remains an enduring source of inspiration, and their contributions are honored with deep gratitude.




 
 
 

Comments


bottom of page